#? #P[80]&#A*FAmerican^ Studies^ in^ China^ #FKVol.1#FS,^ 1994/_@#a$#P[100] #J[-100] #T3W.A.P. MARTIN'S CONCEPT$ OF 'CONFUCIUS PLUS JESUS CHRIST'#t #T4ZHAO Yi#t$$ #T4I.__W. A. P. Martin and His Views on Missionary Work#t W. A. P. Martin (1827-1916), an American protestant missionary who  served in China for over 60 years, was born to a minister's family in  Indiana, U.S.A. Attending a church school founded by his father, young  Martin studies the Bible, Latin, Greek, logic and mathematics. At  university, he read extensively in mathematics, physics, chemistry,  astronomy, geology and mechanics besides his speciality of Christian  theology. His broad knowledge laid a good foundation for his later  missionary work, teaching, publishing newspapers, compiling, writing  and translating books in China.$ Martin was sent to China by the U.S. Presbyterian Church in 1850 and  stayed until his death in Beijing in 1916. During those years he  carried out various activities, religious and nonreligious. For a  period he concentrated his attention on missionary work and the  running of missionary school. He edited the newspaper #FKChung-hsi Wen- chien-lu#FS. He taught for many years at T'ung Wen-kuan and Peking  University, translated and edited many books, including those on  Christian theology, mathematics, psychology, Western educational  systems, international law and political economy, and wrote, both in  Chinese and English, many books and articles (including his memoirs).  During the Second Opium War, Martin served as an interpreter for  William Bradford Reed (1806-1876), American Minister to China, and was  involved in the drafting of the Sino-American Treaty at Tianjin. In  1900 he took an active part in the defense of embassies in Beijing  against the Boxers and the Qing government forces. As an active  influential American missionary in modern Chinese history and the  history of Sino-American relations, what is Martin's views on  missionary work?$ #M1W.A.P. Martin's Concept of 'Confucius Plus Jesus Christ'#m #M2American Studies in China#m In 1850 when he traveled across the oceans to China, Martin, like many  other American missionaries of the time, was prompted by the spirit of  expansion fostered during the pioneering period in American history.  He regarded China as a new frontier for the dissemination of Christian  civilization. Soon, however, Martin realized that China was not some  immense "virgin land" waiting to be reclaimed. The Chinese nation had  been plowed and cultivated for several thousand years. He realized,  too, that Chinese traditional customs had "the force of law," and that  Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism had deep roots in the Chinese minds  in complicated ways. Martin believed that "the ancient and venerable  cultural heritage of the Chinese was a force that had to be taken into  account by the missionary - a force that had to be compromised with as  well as contended with, and one which should be used to the advantage  of Christianity whenever possible."#+[1]_ He summarized this  statement in a formula: "Confucius plus Christ."$ To Martin, "Confucius" did not only mean Confucius the person or  Confucianism the doctrine but Confucianism as the symbol of  traditional Chinese culture. It should be pointed out here that this  idea was not invented by Martin. Western missionaries had proposed and Šused this strategy long before him. Between December 4, 1869 and  January 8, 1870, American missionary Y. J. Allen (1836-1907) published  a long article in the #FKNew Church Gazette#FS_ which systematized the  concept "Confucius plus Christ." Allen quoted some words by Confucius  and Mencius and compared them with the Bible. On the one hand, he  tried to create an illusion that the intentions of Jesus were the same  as those of Confucius and Mencius. And on the other hand he urged  missionaries to change strategies in order to reduce the resistance to  the spreading of Christianity. Many missionaries accepted this approach in their  work. Martin was different from others because he could read Chinese  history and culture in Chinese. He read widely, observe Chinese  society carefully and probe into the psychology and consciousness  hidden behind various customs and habits. His concept of "Confucius  plus Christ" did not mean the attachment of China's Thirteen Classics  to the back pages of the Bible. Rather, Martin was comparing Chinese  traditional #^think#^ing with Christian theology: losing for differences to  contend with, resemblances to make compromises with, and identities to  make use of. His "adding" formula was superior to other missionaries  method.$ Reading Martin's writings on Chinese thinking and culture, one may  feel his summaries somewhat arbitrary. However, his conclusions  deserve attention. We must keep in mind that Martin was not studying  the inner logic of Chinese thinking and culture, but the country as a  whole and the study was based on the logic of Christian theology. He  did not intend to get to the bottom of Chinese culture but rather to  use some parts of it to serve his work, taking Christian theology as  the point of reference. Based on this understanding, we can divide the  contents of Martin's articles into the following three categories:  first, the concept of God (or divinity) and soul; second, all other  doctrines; and third, rituals and customs. The first category is  related to the fundamental teachings of Christianity. In this regard  Chinese thinking was profoundly contradictory to Christian thinking.  The second and third categories are comparatively easy to expound. We  will outline Martin's attitude toward the Chinese concepts of God and soul, and briefly expound on Martin's attempt to graft  Christian teachings into traditional Chinese thinking, and his  attitude toward Chinese ancestor worship.$ #T4II. Chinese Concepts of God and Soul vs. Christian Concepts#t The concepts of God and soul are fundamental to Christian theology. In  Martin's opinion, the key to whether or not the Chinese could accept  Christianity lay in whether or not they could accept the Christian  concepts of God and soul. He wrote many articles on the traditional  concepts of God (or divinity) and soul in traditional Chinese  thinking.$ Martin's comments on Chinese thinking and culture were based on the Christian  theology. According to Christian theology, God possesses intellect and  will, moves freely, is related to human beings, and expresses Himself  in the position and embodiment of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. God is  flawless in his character. He is the creator and supreme ruler who  awards good and punishes evil. The soul comes from God. All the  behaviors of human beings originate from the soul. The soul exists  forever after death. Saved souls rise to joy Paradise while incurable  souls sink to be punished in Hell.$ The Chinese concepts of God (or divinity) and soul are complicated. ŠThe different explanations offered by Confucianism, Buddhism and  Taoism, and the various beliefs from folk  superstitions left on the minds of the common people a mixed concept.$ Confucianism is the mainstay of Chinese traditional philosophy which  exerted far greater influence on Chinese society and thinking than any  other region. Confucius, the founder, laid the foundation on which the  Confucian concepts of divinity and soul developed. To Martin it was a  pity that Confucius did not recognize the existence of spirits and  ghosts. #FKThe Analects of Confucius#FS_ says of Confucius's attitude  towards divinity: "One sacrificed (to his forefathers) as if they were  present; he sacrificed to the gods as if the gods were present." (The  Eight Dancers) The #FKAnalects#FS_ also records: "The Master would not  discuss prodigies, prowess, lawlessness, or the supernatural."  (Concerning the Master Himself) the same book cites an episode in the  part Concerning Certain Disciples and Other Subjects: "When Fan Chih  asked what constituted Wisdom the Master replied: To devote oneself  earnestly to one's duty to humanity and, while respecting the spirits,  to avoid them, may be called Wisdom."$ For these remarks, Martin styled Confucius a positivist, skepticist  and ipse-dixit dogmatist. "Disgusted at the superstitions of the  vulgar, and desirous of guarding his followers against similar  excesses, Confucius led them into the opposite extreme of skepticism.  He ignored, if he did not deny, those cardinal doctrines of all  religions, the immortality of the soul, and the personal existence of  God, both of which were currently accepted in his day."$ By "currently accepted in his day" Martin meant the belief in spirits  and supernatural forces and the worship of heaven which had existed  since the Shang and Zhou dynasties. In folk belief, the "heaven"  worshipped was actually the personalized God.$ Confucius doubted the existence of spirits and supernatural forces  though, he often mentioned "Heaven," with some change in its  definition. The "Heaven" of Confucius still bore a "personal mark,"  but it had already taken up some meaning of "natural heaven."$ Martin was dissatisfied with Confucius's conception of "Heaven."  Confucius had replaced the God worshipped by earlier people with an  ambiguously defined "Heaven." Thus, Martin said, "In place of Shangte,  'Supreme Ruler,' the name under which the God of Nature had been  worshipped in earlier ages, he made use of the vague appellation Tien,  'Heaven'; thus opening the way on the one hand for atheism with which  their modern philosophy is so deeply infected; and on the other, for  idolatry which nothing but the doctrine of a personal God can  effectually counteract."$ The stand and attitude of Confucius and later Confucianists toward  divinity and soul hindered the dissemination of basic Christian  doctrines. So when adding Confucius to Christ, Martin deducted the  Confucian concept of divinity and soul without any hesitation. He  praised the moral principles of Confucianists but at the same time  criticized Confucianism as a doctrine with "grave defects." He  declared: "He (Confucius) was unable to satisfy the cravings of his  spiritual nature without having recourse to a religion of humanity."$ Besides Confucianism, Martin had to contend against the concept of God  and soul found in Taoism. Sometimes after he had finished his sermons  about the perfect God, the Chinese audience would suddenly exclaim:  "He is but our Emperor of Heaven!" Hearing this, Martin's heart ached Šbecause he believed that originally Laozi's teachings had ideas closer  to those of Christianity, but they had been replaced by the belief in  the Emperor of Heaven - the divine Saint of Taoism. Martin picked one  paragraph from the #FKTao Te Ching#FS_ to prove Laozi's concept of the  God:$ That which is invisible is called #FKye#FS,$ That which is inaudible is called #FKhe#FS,$ That which is impalpable is called #FKwei#FS,$ These three are inscrutable, and blended in one;$ The first is not the brighter; nor the last the darker.$ It is interminable, ineffable, and existed when there was nothing. -$ A shape without shape, a form without form,$ A confounding mystery!$ Go back, you cannot discover its beginning,$ Go forward, you cannot find its end.$ Take the ancient Reason,to govern the present,$ And you will know the origin of old.$ This is the first principle of #FKTao#FS.$ (Hanlin, pp. 143-4)#R Here, Laozi was talking about the nature of the Tao. But some European  scholars dug out of these words a notion of the Trinity, stating that  "ye," "he" and "wei" were just the syllables of Jehovah. Martin  said: "Whatever truth there may be in these conjectures, it is certain  that some native commentators recognize in the passage a description  of Shangte, the God of the Chinese patriarchs; and the three  syllables, of which the name is composed, are admitted to have no  assignable meaning in the Chinese language." Martin believed these words  were the highest ascription of God, "more expressive of his absolute  divinity than any to be met with in the canonical books of the  confucian school."$ Laozi, a thinker before the Qin dynasty (221-206 B.C.), was claimed to  be the founder of Taoism. In fact, Taoism took shape in the Han dynasty  (206 B.C.-220 A.D.). Followers deified Laozi as the "Celestial of  Morality." Taoists gave strained interpretations and drew far-fetched  analogies from Laozi's thinking. As a result, the Taoist teachings  were far from the essence of #FKTao Te Ching#FS, believed to be written by  Laozi. Nevertheless, Martin found in the Taoist classic, God in the  form of Celestial of the Primordial because, he believed, some  characteristics of Celestial of the Primordial coincided with some of  those of God. Celestial of the Primordial, the highest deity of Taoism  (ahead of the Pure Trinity in the Taoist deity rank), was born before  the Grand Beginning and was "immortal." But this Celestial of the  Primordial was unknowable and unattainable. Thus common people felt it  was difficult to believe in him. Martin wrote: "The Taoists persuaded  themselves that this August Being, wrapped in the solitude of his own  perfections, had delegated the government of the universe to a  subordinate, whom they style Yuhwang Shangte (the Emperor of Heaven).  The former has dwindled into an inoperate idea; the latter is  recognized as the actual God." Celestial of the Primordial was put  above the Emperor of Heaven and had cultivated himself into an  immortal. He was different from the Christian God in essence. Martin  regarded the common people's acceptance of the Emperor of Heaven as a big  obstacle to the dissemination of the Gospels, and believed that this  obstacle should be eliminated.$ Martin called Taoism "radical and thorough materialism," because in Šthe view of Taoism, the soul was a substantial thing. Taoists believed  that through self-cultivation of morality, one's soul and mortal body  could be preserved; and that every form of substantial things had a  soul, from which various deities of nature came. All this was  incompatible with Christian theology. Therefore, Martin said, "The  Taoist creed acknowledges no such category as that of spirit in  contradistinction from matter."$ Martin's attitude toward Chinese Buddhism changed with time. In an  article published in the 1869 issue of the #FKNew England#FS_  quarterly, Martin concluded that no other doctrine was so strongly  heathen as the Buddhist doctrine of transmigration of souls. But in  his book The #FKLore of Cathay#FS_ published in 1901, he argued that  missionaries could and should make use of the transmigration doctrine.  This reflected not so much Martin's change in his understanding of  Buddhist teachings as his realization that it was very difficult to  change Chinese faith. Greater compromise had to be made.$ In his late years, Martin paid great attention to Chinese Buddhism and  advocated comparative study of Buddhism and Christianity in order that  Buddhism could be used as a stepping stone for disseminating  Christianity. Argued that Buddhism set a precedence for the Chinese to  import a foreign religion and as such paved the way for the spread of  the fundamental teachings of Christianity.$ Martin said, "The spiritual universe in which Buddhists believed,  filled with Buddhas and Boddhisattvas - kind, just, and providential  beings - was far different from that of the Chinese who worshipped  natural objects and human heroes... not one of (whom took) any strong  hold on their affections."#+[2]_ The Chinese believed that Buddhas  and Boddhisattvas possessed natural power and with this power could  save mankind from the bitter sea of life. Especially popular was the  Guanyin Boddhisattva, who was believed to be able to pull people  through any suffering. Despite the fact that Buddhists didn't believe  in one supreme deity, Martin still wanted to make use of these  tributes to the Buddhist deities and put them "at the feet of  Jehovah."$ Martin also regarded the Buddhist doctrine of transmigration as "good  tidings of hope," because Buddhism held that human beings and other  living things all lived in continuous transmigrations. Martin wrote:  "Buddhism came as an evangel of hope, teaching that immortality is  man's inalienable inheritance, and not the inheritance of man only,  but of every sentient creature, that all are connected by the links of  an endless chain, moving onward in unceasing procession, either on an  ascending or descending scale; that the reality of the next stage of  being is more certain than the existence of the material objects by  which we are surrounded; that the soul is an immaterial essence, which  the transformations of matter have no power to destroy; and finally,  that the weal or woe of the future life depends on the conduct of each  individual during this present state of probation." If a person did  good deeds in this life, he would be rewarded in his next life; if a  person did evil deeds in this life, he would suffer in his next life.  In Martin'a view, the Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation was wrong but  it was offset by the Buddhist concept that the soul was insubstantial  and that one's welfare in his next life was decided by his behavior of  this life.$ Martin had great hope in Buddhism, believing that Buddhism was a  preparation for the Chinese to receive "a better hope from Him who Šhath abolished death and brought life and immortality to light through  the Gospel." As far as Martin was concerned, Buddhism was much  superior to Confucianism and Taoism. Buddhism was like "wild grass"  that could be turned into good fertilizer for the sowing of the seeds  of Christianity.$ #T4III. Traditional Chinese Concepts vs.$ Christian General Doctrines#t The second category I mentioned in Part I is Martin's understanding of  the general concepts of Chinese philosophy and his attempt to graft  them into the general doctrines of Christianity. Other missionaries  also made an effort to do the same but rarely wrote about it. Martin  was more experienced in applying the formula of "Confucius plus  Christ" than any other, but basically followed the strategy of Y. J.  Allen. Martin's strategy was to seek common ground while reserving  difference, with emphasis on seeking common ground.$ 1. The Human Nature in Confucianism$ A major issue of traditional Chinese philosophy was about human  nature. An argument had been going on since the Warring States period  2,000 years ago among various schools about whether human nature was  good or evil. Among Confucianists, there were different factions, some  believing that human nature was good, some believing it was evil, some  holding that it was divided into good, evil and neutral, and still  some holding that it was a mixture of good and evil. But all their  preaching aimed at providing a theoretical foundation from which  ethical education could be conducted. During the Song dynasty (960- 1279), Zhu Xi became the mot authentic annotator of Confucian  classics. He believed that man had both the "nature of heaven and  earth" and "the nature of temperament." The former was purely good,  which was why man could be educated; the latter could be clean or  turbid, which was why man had to be educated. Martin translated a  paragraph from Zhu Xi's writings specially for Western readers. "The  bright principle of virtue," Martin said in his notes on #FKTa  Hsueh#FS, "man derives from his heavenly origin; his pure spirit, when  undarkened, comprehends all truth, and is adequate to every occasion.  But it is obstructed by the physical constitution and beclouded by the  animal (lit. #FKjen yu#FS_ the human) desires, so that it becomes obscure."  Here Martin was attempting to mix some of Christian ideas with the  Confucian concept of human nature to prove that Christianity could be  accepted by the Chinese and that Chinese converts could feel that  Christian doctrines were better than Confucian teachings. he wrote:$ "The candid and thoughtful will recognize in the Bible a complete view  of a subject which their various theories had only presented in  detached fragments. In the state of primitive purity, it gives them a  heaven-imparted nature in its original perfection; in the supremacy of  conscience, it admits a fact on which they rely as the main support of  their doctrine; in the corruption of nature, introduced by sin, it  gives them a class of facts to which their consciousness abundantly  testifies; and in its plan for the restoration of the moral ruin, it  excites hope and satifies reason."$ 2. The Virtues of Christianity vs. Their Counterparts in Buddhism$ Faith, hope and charity are the three main virtues of Christianity.  Martin argued that Confucius talked about only charity but not faith  and hope. He found the corresponding concepts of the three virtues,  however, in Buddhism.$ First, the word "faith" itself is Buddhist, meaning that one's belief Šin Buddhist fundamental principles should never waver. Buddhists  believe that outside our world there is an invisible world, which is  itself a "faith." So in Martin's view, the "faith" of Buddhism meant  the same as that in Christianity.$ Martin also discovered that "hope" was a special virtue that Buddhism  promoted. Buddhists cultivate and accumulate good moral and benevolent  merits in the hope of entering the Western Paradise. Martin took it as  the "hope of Buddhists in Heaven."$ Naturally, "charity" could not correspond to "love," one of the  Buddhist twelve principal and subsidiary causes, but to "kindness" and  "mercy," i.e. to protect all living creatures, give them happiness  (kindness), have compassion on them, and deliver them from sufferings  (mercy). To Martin, the love Buddhists showed to all living creatures  was much the same as the love Christians showed to human beings; the  devotion Buddhists showed to the Buddha was the love Christians showed  to God.$ Generally speaking, Martin did not object to traditional Chinese ideas  that were not related to the concept of God (divinity) and soul.  Actually, whenever he could, he made full use of them. His attitude in  this aspect was much the same as that of other missionaries who also  advocated "Confucius plus Christ."$ #T4IV.__W.A.P. Martin's Attitude Toward$Chinese Ancestor Worship#t Martin mentioned Chinese rituals and customs in his writings only  occasionally. His views on this subject can be seen in his article,  "Chinese Ancestor Worship," the only article devoted entirely to this  subject.$ In China, ancestor worship meant calling upon ancestors to bring  happiness and protection. The Han people, the majority nationality in  China, also worshipped their ancestors to show their filial piety.$ Many Western missionaries noticed that Chinese "ancestor worship" took  the form of offering sacrifices. Most of them believed that this  practice was totally superstitious and detrimental to missionary work.  Therefore it should be eliminated. The majority of those missionaries  who advocated "Confucius plus Christ" also opposed the practice of  offering sacrifices to ancestors. But Martin argued that ancestor  worship was very popular in China, and that it exerted much greater  influence than other religions. Whether or not it should be eliminated  had great bearing on the success of missionary work. Martin made a  speech entitled "Chinese Ancestor Worship" at the annual convention of  the American Oriental Society in October 1880. Ten years later, he  spoke on the same topic in his address to the General Conference of  the Protestant Missionaries of China, all in an attempt to persuade  missionaries to adopt a compromising strategy.$ Martin pointed out that there were two methods eliminating obstacles  against missionary work: either to remove the obstacle or to make a  temporary accommodation while seeking a more permanent solution. #+[3]_ He stood firmly behind the second approach. In his other  articles, Martin tried to trace the source of ancestor worship in  China as an important cultural phenomenon, studying its initial form  and evolution. He stressed the broad influence and tremendous role  ancestor worship played in Chinese history.$ Martin pointed out that offering sacrifices to ancestors was  indispensable in Chinese life for emperors, empresses and common  people alike. He said: "As to other divinities, their worship is  incumbent only upon priests or magistrates, but the worship of Šancestors is obligatory upon all." Every spring and autumn, people  would go to clan cemeteries to pay respect to their ancestors. Some  clans had ancestral temples where they kowtowed in front of their  ancestors' nameplates and begged for protection. They would consult  the souls of their ancestors for any important event (especially  marriages). Martin said Chinese ancestor worship had developed into a  system, whose influence "has been deeper than that of all other  religions combined. It forms the essence of the state religion." He  did not think it possible to abolish this practice completely.$ Regarding the role ancestor worship played in China, Martin quoted the  #FKClassic of Books, Zuo Qiuming's Commentary on the Spring and Autumn  Annals#FS_ and other ancient writings to prove that ancestor worship  came into being long ago and was an important factor for a stable  society in China. He wrote: "Emperor Shun, after an unsuccessful  campaign against a rebellious district, is represented as bringing his  refractory subjects to submission by the celebration of a religious  pageant in the temple of his ancestor." In the Zhou dynasty (c. 11th  century-221 B.C.) when Chinese civilization appeared in an embryonic  form, ancestor worship had become an important part of the Chinese  religion. Martin stated that ancestor worship in modern China played  at least three important roles: first, it helped the imperial court to  rule because the country relied much on control by clans and ancestor  worship could strengthen the inner relations of clans; second, it  protected some important moral standards. Impious children were  sanctioned while filial sons were rewarded in the society; third, it  helped maintain people's worship of spirits and souls.$ How to deal with the universal worshipping that had shaped "their  offices for the dead into an all-pervading and potent cult which  molds the social and spiritual life of every individual in the  Empire?" Martin opposed firmly the advocacy of thorough elimination.  He warned that if the Chinese found Christianity irreconcilable with  their ancestor worship they would rise against Christianity. "When the  higher classes come to embrace Christianity in great numbers," Martin  predicted, "they will readily leave behind them their Buddhism and  their Taoism; but the worship of ancestors they will never consent to  abandon, though they may submit to some such modifications as those  which I have endeavored to indicate." According to him, Chinese  ancestor worship had to be preserved, but should not be left  unchanged. Positive and harmless elements of it should be made use of,  and its superstitious elements should be eliminated. By  "superstititous elements," Martin meant: first, the worship of dead as  divinities; secondly, judging fortune and misfortune and rise and fall  of a clan according to geomancy. Since Martin believed that the  superstitious elements were not essential to Chinese ancestor worship,  he asserted that they would not be difficult to get rid of. "The  simplest ideas of science are sufficient to dispel the one form of  superstition, and a very small amount of religious knowledge supplies  an effectual antidote to the other," he said. He urged people to  replace wine and meat with flowers as sacrifices to ancestors and turn  the worshipping ceremony into "an activity to express natural  sentiments." In other words, he wanted to transform a custom of faith  into a custom of socializing.#+[4]_ Martin said with confidence:  "Whatever party takes this position will have an immense advantage in  the competition for proselytes."$ #T4V. Why W.A.P. Martin's Position in Missionary$ ŠWork Did Not Succeed#t Martin's writings show his complicated, sometimes self-contradictory  thinking, psychology and sentiments. This article does not attempt to  account for all of his complexity, but focuses on one issue: why what  Martin advocated in missionary work could not achieve the desired  result.$ In modern China, many scholars and officials attacked Christianity,  calling it an evil religion. Martin knew very well that the force of  tradition in China was powerful and that there were many  criticisms against Christianity. His strategy of "Confucius plus  Christ" was a flexible tactic within the boundary of principle. On one  hand, he did not object to the Chinese taking Confucius as a "special  teacher," he called for preserving the Chinese ancestor worship, and  admired the human relationships established by Confucianism; on the  other hand, he stuck to the two most important Christian concepts, of  God and soul. He would not budge whenever any Confucian view ran  counter to Christianity. He converted any Confucian idea to his own  use. This was where Martin was wiser than other missionaries. He proved  himself a far-sighted missionary. But could his strategy succeed?.  Before taking up the analysis, we need to do some research on what  Martin thought of his own ideas.$ Martin was full of confidence in his missionary work and had no doubt  that Christianity would overcome all difficulties, take root and  spread in China. His optimism came from the flowing sources:$ 1. He believed that what God wished were the needs of human beings,  Chinese being no exception. He wrote that "on acquiring the (Chinese)  language and studying the popular superstitions in their myriad  fantastic shapes, [a missionary] begins to discover traces of a  religious sentiment, deep and real, which is not connected with any of  the objects of popular worship - a veneration for Tien, or Heaven, and  a belief that in the visible heavens there resides some vague power,  who provides for the wants of men, and rewards them according to their  deeds." Although they didn't know He was the Creator, he continued,  they had realized "he was supreme in providence and without beginning  or end." He felt such tolerance to be justifiable because there  already existed in Chinese culture a substratum of truth. God had  already revealed Himself to the Chinese in some primal age as a  Single, Supreme, and Provident Being.#+[5]$ 2. Martin held that Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism each satisfied  partial needs of the Chinese people, but all neglected or negated the  "true religious thinking," unable to satisfy the needs that people  could receive from God. Martin praised Confucian human relationships  between the sovereign and his subjects, father and son, husband and  wife, and between brothers. This was the most powerful influence  Confucianism exerted on Chinese society. But he said in the same  breath: "For skillfully as Confucius had woven the chain of human  relationships, he failed to connect the last link with Heaven to point  out the highest class of our relations."$ 3. Based on the two points above, Martin declared Christianity could  make up for the defects of the Chinese traditional thinking. As  regards the anti-foreign struggles that were surging around him, Martin  believed that the Chinese people "object not to the creed (of  Christianity), but the foreigner who brings it." He fully believed  that "some of the more earnest, on meeting with religion which reveals  to them a heart-searching God, a sin-atoning Savior, a soul Šsanctifying Spirit, and an immortality of bliss, have joyfully  embraced it, confessing that they find therein motives and supports of  which their own system is wholly destitute."$ Martin never spared his effort to work according to his strategy of  "Confucius plus Christ" because he believed in the correctness of the  above listed three points. We can analyze hereby his failure in  carrying out his strategy in his missionary work on the basis of the  three above-mentioned points.$ Martin's assertion that God's wishes were the foundation of a  universal human nature was not purely the product of his Christian bias.  Professor Feng Youlan has said: "One of mankinds inborn desires is the  pursuit of the transcendent. The Chinese people are not excluded from  this law."#+[6]_ Superstitious psychology indeed, may make some  people believe in spirits and ghosts. But such belief cannot be  equaled to the desire for transcendence. A. Einstein did not  believe in the existence of personalized gods, but had no doubt that  "among the various laws in the universe, there is obviously the  existence of a spirit, which far transcends the human spirit and  before which the mankind with limited power should feel small." #+[7]_ He affirmed, "You'll find it rare among scientists who do not  have their own sense of religion."#+[8]_ This sense of religion is  quest for eternal values. This pursuit of the transcendent is a spiritual  pursuit at a higher level.$ Research results in psychology tell us that there is no such thing as a  single and abstract religious feeling. The religious experiences that  intoxicate devotees are only the concentrated expressions of ordinary  sentiments. As an advanced religion, Christianity can indeed satisfy  some transcending psychological and emotional desires. This religion  created a personalized God, through worship of whom, people may obtain  the transcendence.$ But pursuit of transcendence does not necessarily culminate in a  search for God. A transcending spirit can also be found in traditional  Chinese philosophy. In this respect, traditional Chinese philosophy  contradicts Christianity even more sharply. For example, Confucian  philosophy stresses self-cultivation to an ideal state where "the high  and low flow together with earth and heaven; and where people get  nourishment from heaven and earth." This is a place where the heaven  and man are one entity. Christianity, however, believes that God looks  down at sinful mankind, who can be cleansed of evils and redeemed  through worshipping Him. There is an impassable chasm between man and  God. In other words, Confucianism and Christianity traverse different  paths and go to different destinations, disagreeing about what goals  to pursue and in what way to reach transcendence. Martin, as a  Christian, had his eyes only on God, believing that the contradiction  between traditional Chinese thinking and Christianity was mainly in  whether there were personalized gods or not. It seemed to him as soon  as this question was solved, all other questions would be readily  solved. He failed to notice the contradiction between Chinese  philosophy and Christianity on the issue of transcendence, not to say  how to solve this contradiction.$ This might not be the critical problem because very few people can  understand the spirit of transcendence in Confucian philosophy. The  majority accepted only the feudal ethical codes of Confucianism. To  them the contradictions on the transcendence issue did not exist at all.  They did not think there was a difference between what Martin preached Šon Christian teachings and the teachings of Confucius and Mencius.  Some might even feel they were complementary to each other. But the  attitude of the Chinese toward religion was very different form that  of Westerners. By using the strategy of "Confucius plus Christ" Martin  could convert many Chinese but could not obtain his desired result -  to save the souls of Chinese by making them believe in God. About the  different attitude of Chinese and Westerners toward religion, Professor  Fei Xiaotong has made an interesting observation:$ "I often think our Chinese attach too much importance to material  gains. There is too much concern with gains and losses when dealing  with people. That is why we have difficulty understanding the religion  of Americans. Of course, it is not that we do not worship ghosts and  spirits. We are very practical about ghosts and spirits, worshipping  them because we need good weather for our crops, for warding off  famines and misfortunes. Our sacrifice offering is much like guest  entertaining, maneuvering and paying bribes. We pray to make a promise  of a reward and to beg a reward. Spirits and deities are power, not  ideals; they are the source of fortune, not justice.... In the mind of  the woman kneeling in front of Baby Delivering Guanyin Buddha will not  be the word 'sacrifice.' She is no difference from a street peddler.  The incense sticks and candles she lights and her kowtows are cash  for use in the nether world."#+[9]$ We have to admit that Chinese lack the religious spirit of the Western  Christians. Even if the Chinese were made to believe in God, the  majority of them would only hope to have protection from Him. Some  would even join Christianity to use it as a device to bully others. To  them, the relations between Confucius and Jesus were not important.  Leaders of the Heavenly Kingdom believed in Christianity. Hong  Xiuquan, founder of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, claimed himself a  brother of Jesus. But actually they only used the new religion to  reach their political ends. Martin praised the Heavenly Kingdom  because he could not understand that the Chinese took a different  attitude toward religion. No matter how wonderful Martin's ideas had  been, he could not have changed the attitude of the Chinese toward  religion. It would be like trying to insert a square peg into a round  hole.$ The failure of Western missionaries to spread Christianity in modern  China was related to complicated reasons of diplomacy, politics,  society and culture in modern China. Generally, the dissemination of  spiritual culture is much more difficult than the dissemination of a  material culture or a political culture. The Christianity which  Westerners relied on in their lives could not take root in China.  Furthermore, Western missionaries came to China under the protection  of warships and guns, and imperialists used Christianity to serve  their policies of aggression. Some missionaries "used religious  nonsense to cover up their aggression policy,"#+[10]_ incurring the  wrath of the Chinese people. Anti-foreign religions movement continued  throughout modern Chinese history. With his religious prejudices,  Martin could not possibly understand China. His advocacy of "Confucius  plus Christ" could not possibly succeed.$ In his later years, Martin saw the "awakening of China," and believed  that the Chinese people "would accept Christianity as the only faith."  The Chinese people awakened. But they didn't, indeed wouldn't, embark on  the road of Christianity.$ #T4NOTES#t Š##[D1J100P80] Quotations from Martin is from the following books:$ ’Ω#FKThe Awakening of China#FS, New York: Doubleday, Page £¦ Company,  1907.$ ’Ϊ#FKThe Chinese, Their Education, Philosophy and Letters#FS, New  York: Harper Brothers, 1881.$ ’Ϋ#FKHanlin Papers or Essays on the Intellectual Life of the  Chinese#FS, London: Trubner £¦ Co., New York: Harper Brothers, 1880.$ ’ά#FKThe Lore of Cathay, or the Intellect of China#FS, Edinburgh and  London: Oliphant, Anderson £¦ Ferrier, 1901.$ _#+[1]_Peter Duus, #FKScience and Salvation in China: The  Life and Work of W. A. P. Martin#FS, from #FKAmerican Missionaries in  China#FS, edited by Kwang-Ching Liu and published by the East Asian  Research Center, Harvard University, 1966, p.33.$ _#+[2]_Ralph Covell, #FKW. A. P. Martin: Pioneer of Progress  in China#FS, Washington D.C.: Christian University Press, 1978, p.247.$ _#+[3]_ditto, p.250.$ _#+[4]_See Wu Bing'an's #FKChinese Folklore#FS, Liaoning  University Press, 1985, pp. 12, 241-242.$ _#+[5]_Some pioneers in learning from the West (Bin Chun,  Zeng Jize and others) had been influenced by Martin and from him  learned much modern science. See Zhong Shu-he's book #FKFrom East to  West - the History of Modern Intellectuals' Surveys of the West#FS,  published by China Press, pp. 65 and 297. Martin's influence in his  introduction of China to the West should not be neglected. According  to Mr. Shi-yu Teng's inference, Martin's book #FKCompetitive  Examinations in China#FS_ (1868) might have played a role in the reform  movement in the United States in the 19th century. See Shi-yu Teng's  book #FKIntroduction of Chinese Examination System into the West#FS.  Appendix 1: The Chinese influence on the American system of civil  service from #FKSelected Writings of Shi-yu Teng#FS, edited by Zai  Huangpei and Tao Jinsheng, published by Shihuo Press in 1980, pp. 162- 3.$ _#+[6]_#FKAmerican Missionaries in China#FS, p.33.$ _#+[7]_Feng Youlan, #FKConcise History of Chinese  Philosophy#FS, Beijing University Press, 1985, p.8.$ _#+[8]_#FKAlbert Einstein, The Human Side#FS,  World Knowledge Press, 1984, p.35.$ _#+[9]_#FKCollected Works of A. Einstein#FS, compiled by  Zhao Zhongli and Xu Lingying, Commercial Press,  1976, p.283.$ _#+[10]_Fei Xiaotong, #FKAmerica and the Americans#FS,  Life, Reading and Knowledge Press, 1985, pp. 11-111. Professor Wang  Li had also such an observation, asserting that "the praying of the  Chinese is obviously a kind of bribery." See Wang Li's #FKRandom  Words from the Dragon and Worm Studio#FS, China Social  Science Press, 1982, pp. 29-35.$#E